Democrats are licking their wounds after Republicans won the top three posts for governor, lieutenant governor and attorney general by an overwhelming margin in this past Tuesday’s election in Virginia. Bob McDonnell won the governorship with 59% of the vote to Creigh Deeds’ 41%. What happened? Republicans showed up, and Democrats stayed home.
Cursory examination of the electorate reveals that nearly half of the 3.8 million voters in Virginia last year didn’t show this go round. Those who did show were disproportionately Republican voters.
Young voters comprised only 10% of this year’s electorate compared with 21% a year ago. And the proportion of the electorate made up of African Americans dropped this year from 20% to 16%.
The question is “Is this trend likely to carry through in the non-presidential electorate in 2010?”
It’s easy to chalk up this year’s election results to off-year elections, which are often low turnout and tend to be anti-incumbent if the economy is bad. Some postulate the Democrats’ loss was tied to public unrest over President Barack Obama’s performance to date and Congressional “politics as usual” maneuverings. If you ask me, this sounds like “It’s not about me, if I lose” rationalization.
It’s about time the Democrats in Virginia take a cold, hard look at what compelled voters to turn out for Obama last year and take a lesson from his playbook. Marginal voters showed up for Obama because, for once, they felt like someone cared about their issues. He gave them hope that, having seen firsthand some of the strife many Americans encounter daily, someone would take their concerns seriously. There was a connection that compelled these voters into action.
Based upon my personal interactions with staff of my four state and federal Democratic elected officials, there is no connection. In fact, conversations left me feeling like we were living on two separate planets. And for those of us, who like me, are now disabled living on social security disability payments and are unable to fork over the thousands of dollars I assume it would take in campaign contributions to get five minutes of face time with my elected representative, staff represent the frontline. Staffs reflect politicians’ views and demeanor to their constituencies.
Let me relay just one example of such interaction to illustrate my point. It involves a conversation that occurred in late October with Donna Kloch, a case worker in the Office of Congressman Jim Moran.
Kloch sent me an e-mail on October 19, 2009 in response to my correspondence to Congressman Moran sent quite some time ago. I’d written regarding my dysfunctional experiences with my medical insurer and doctors that left me disabled unnecessarily. In hindsight, I can see the e-mail was nothing more than another referral — this time to the Virginia Bureau of Insurance in Richmond. But when I received it, I was elated at just being acknowledged by anyone in Moran’s office. Plus she asked me to give her a call to discuss the matter.
As it goes, health insurance companies were exempted from antitrust laws with the adoption of the McCarran-Ferguson Act of 1945, which allows for state but not federal regulation of medical insurers. Currently, there is bipartisan support in Congress to move such regulation authority back to the feds. For some unknown reason, I thought she wanted to hear about my experiences with the Virginia Insurance Commission to use as an example in determining whether the Congressman should support such legislation.
Being chronically ill with major brain fog, it takes me longer than most are willing to wait to verbalize my thoughts. So I e-mailed her my thoughts on and experience with attempting to file a complaint against Cigna HealthCare with the Virginia Bureau of Insurance.
I told her that I started to file a complaint but wasn’t sure which of the two forms on the Bureau’s website to use even after reading the instructions for filing a complaint. When I called the Bureau for direction, whoever answered the phone (allegedly the only person I could speak with) kept repeating that such determination could not be made without seeing the complaint in writing submitted with copies of all relevant materials and correspondence.
My complaint is that Cigna ignored multiple complaints I made against several of its providers for failing to diagnose and treat me — a violation of the tenets Cigna espouses in its Code of Ethics and Compliance, which is referenced in materials given to its members and in Cigna’s SEC filings. Cigna’s Code includes a Patient’s Bill of Rights that declares its members have a right to be heard and receive quality medical care. Cigna executives and board members are obligated to oversee that their employees are following its policies and procedures in line with its Patient Bill of Rights.
To be heard, Cigna members are instructed to call Member Services (customer care) at the toll-free phone number on the Cigna HealthCare ID card. If Member Services cannot resolve the member’s concerns, care reps are supposed to provide information about how to have the member’s concerns addressed.
Yet, on several occasions, Cigna Member Services refused to take seriously my complaints about the lack of quality provider care or provide me with an alternative method of complaint. Cigna’s customer care reps told me that Cigna’s computer system could not accommodate recordation of complaints, and that there was no address where my complaints could be mailed or other persons to whom I could voice my complaint.
A quick internet search revealed numerous incidents in which some state insurance commissions had imposed fines on Cigna and other medical insurers for repeatedly neglecting consumer complaints. Virginia’s Bureau of Insurance was not among them. In fact, Kloch commented that she was not aware that Virginia’s insurance commission had ever taken action against a medical insurer.
My e-mail to Kloch included specific dates and names of Cigna representatives I contacted in my effort to attain competent medical care. It also reflected on the reasons I ultimately decided not to file a complaint with the insurance bureau. Paramount among the reasons is Virginia’s reputation as the #1 pro-business state in the nation and the potentially detrimental toll that the emotional stress of having to recall my experiences would have on my already diminished health status.
In our phone conversation, Kloch suggested that I contact my state representatives for assistance since medical insurers were regulated by the state and not the federal government, so Moran’s office could not help me. I told her that I had already contacted the offices of my state representatives, Mary Margaret Whipple and Adam Ebbin, not about the state insurance bureau but about my inability to find a doctor who would do more than refer me to other specialists and about the insurer’s total disregard for its member’s plight.
Kloch wanted to know how they responded. I said their assistants told me to “hire an attorney” because elected officials don’t get involved in personal matters. I said I didn’t think my message ever actually made it to the state senator and delegate. “Why would you think that?” she asked, then assured me that my inquiry most certainly would have been addressed by the elected representatives themselves.
While she said she was trying to help me, it soon became clear that her definition of help amounted to the same level of help I received from doctors — a dead-end referral — often to someone or some entity I’d previously contacted. The demeanor of the phone conversation conjured up the image of Virginia’s legislators standing shoulder to shoulder in a circle — each pointing to the guy on the right. I felt like little more than a morsel weighing down someone’s plate — a crumb easily wiped away to give someone the illusion they were competent and efficient.
Kloch was under the impression that it was easy for the injured to retain a medical malpractice attorney on a contingency basis, which to her, implied that no upfront cash outlay was required. She didn’t believe me when I told her that, in all medical malpractice cases, win or lose, the injured party is responsible for paying the expenses of the case. (Rule 1.8(e) of the Virginia Rules of Professional Responsibility for Attorneys.) By contacting several such attorneys, I found that the expenses for witnesses, medical records, review fees, photocopying, postage and the like can range from $25,000 to $40,000 and up. I also found that the injured’s ability to pay for expenses upfront is the paramount criterion used by attorneys to determine whether to take a case.
To me, suggesting to someone that he or she hire an attorney after the person just relayed his plight of becoming destitute and disabled, having spent all his resources fruitlessly seeking competent medical care, is a bit ludicrous. Yet, Kloch and others I contacted were not newcomers to politics or the issues. The dichotomy I felt seemed to stem from one party’s inability to comprehend what the other was going through. There was no frame of reference, and this frustrated the politicians’ aides. They couldn’t understand why I wasn’t grateful for their referrals.
At one point in our conversation, I broke down and started crying. I was trying to explain what it was like being chronically ill and disabled, taking ten times longer to accomplish anything… “Can you imagine what it is like to do your job with a bad flu that never goes away?” I asked. “No, I can’t,” Kloch responded empathetically. “You need to get some help.”
I could feel my stomach tense anticipating the direction of the conversation — deflecting away from the larger issue about health care dysfunction and medical insurers’ disregard to my personal need to reach out to family and friends for help with daily living activities. My reaction brought to light how sensitive I remained to my orphan-like status, the daughter of deceased immigrants, whose European and South Americans relatives I’ve never met, and who don’t speak English. I felt how sensitive I remained at how insensitive others can be at someone’s not having accessible family or family in a position to help — not that they should be so burdened.
Friends? In mid and later life, friends have their own families and problems. Plus there’s a predominant ingrained societal belief in doctors’ infallibility, particularly among those who haven’t experienced chronic illness firsthand. It’s unfathomable for most to believe that multiple doctors wouldn’t diagnose and treat a paying patient. Patients who, at a glance, don’t appear to be in distress are characterized as mentally unstable and prime candidates for antipsychotics.
My neighbors are caring, good-hearted people who’ve offered to help in any way they can. They referred me to their doctors, helped me with chores and offered moral and spiritual support for which I am most grateful.
But these people aren’t political insiders who know how to work the system to affect change. To me, that’s the job of my elected officials. And this past Tuesday’s resounding Republican victory in Virginia is proof positive that the incumbent Democrats are falling down on the job. This past Tuesday, voters took their legislators’ advice and hired an attorney, Bob McDonnell, as Virginia’s next governor.
McDonnell campaigned on a platform of being a problem solver, not a problem referrer. During our conversation, Kloch asked me, “What’s wrong with referrals?” I responded, “At some point, someone has to be responsible for diagnosis and treatment.” “I would hope so,” she said.

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